Sudan on Brink: Gold Fuels Conflict in Key Regions

A senior military and tribal delegation from Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) recently arrived in the Nuba Mountains to mediate deadly internal clashes. These clashes occurred between the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) and local fighters from the Atoro community in Heiban, Kauda, and surrounding areas. The fighting has reportedly resulted in over 500 deaths from the Atoro ethnic group, displaced more than 25,000 people, and led to the burning of dozens of villages, according to local tribal leaders. While these estimates could not be independently verified, the conflict data research organisation ACLED recorded 49 incidents of infighting, causing at least 158 deaths between March and August of the current year. Local sources confirmed that the warring factions have agreed to a cessation of hostilities to facilitate the mediation initiative.

RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as 'Hemedti,' formed a joint peace committee, comprising senior RSF commanders and traditional leaders from Darfur and Kordofan. The RSF team engaged in separate discussions in the town of Kuya with prominent SPLM-N figures, including military chief of staff Izzat Kuku and Jagod Mukwar, the group's deputy chairman and governor of the Nuba Mountains, respectively. Despite these peace efforts, political analysts suggest that the core of the dispute likely stems from the same resource the RSF frequently battles over: gold.

The SPLM-N battles in the Kauda region and Blue Nile State, along the Ethiopian border, have evolved beyond control of cities, roads, and military sites. In the Ethiopian border region, where the RSF and their ally, the SPLM-N led by Joseph Tuka, are advancing, the battle lines intersect with areas rich in natural resources, primarily gold. This pattern is mirrored in the Nuba Mountains, amidst internal fighting in Heiban and Kauda, areas controlled by the SPLM-N led by Abdel Aziz al-Hilu. Recently, the conflict in southern Blue Nile intensified, with coalition forces expanding into Geisan and Kurmuk provinces and their vicinities. These regions, along with other areas south and east of the Blue Nile, host sites of artisanal gold mining. The military control asserted by the RSF and SPLA-N over significant portions of southern Blue Nile coincides with their tightening grip on most of the gold mining areas in Geisan and Kurmuk, according to activists and local sources.

According to local sources, groups from the Atoro tribe accuse the SPLM-N leadership and its ally, the Rapid Support Forces, of attempting to seize their lands in the Nuba Mountains for mining activities. Conversely, the SPLM-N leadership has accused the other faction of rebelling against its authority. The ongoing disputes between some SPLA-N military leaders and members of the Atoro community in Nuba occur amid broader conflicts over landownership, demarcation, and control of mining areas.

Ashraf Hassan, a community activist, stated that the Rapid Support Forces and their SPLA allies currently control all gold mines in Geisan province, historically known for the gold of Beni Shangul, as well as a large portion of mining areas in Kurmuk province. He added that only one area in Kurmuk, Buling, remains under army control. Testimonies from miners reveal significant production; local miners reported that the Bakuri market in Geisan alone produces over 100 kilograms of gold per month. However, activists in the region highlight that gold has not directly benefited local communities over the years. Ashraf noted that gold production in Blue Nile State has long been controlled by individuals, security companies, and the Sudanese Mineral Resources Company, with revenues not clearly reflected in the region's budget, save for limited projects implemented by mining companies as part of their social responsibility, such as the Wad Al-Mahi water project.

As the conflict has escalated, control over these mines is increasingly linked to territorial control, transportation routes, and local markets. The mines, once a source of livelihood for thousands of miners, traders, and residents, now exist within a volatile military landscape, contested by various armed groups. This raises significant concerns that gold revenues could become a new funding source for the conflict, further consolidating the power of these factions.

In the Nuba Mountains, the takeover of mining areas was preceded by clashes between the SPLM-N and local tribal groups, notably the Atoro tribe, in and around Kauda since last April. Engineer Babiker Mohamed Madawi from the area stated that the main reason for the clashes is the SPLM-N's attempt to displace the Atoro from their lands, which are believed to be rich in gold and natural resources. This proposal was rejected by the local population, including tribe members holding leadership positions within the SPLM-N, leading to armed confrontations. Clashes between the SPLA-N and Atoro occurred around mining sites in areas such as Heiban, Kamleila, Mandi, Um Dolo, Luiri, Kamo, Shiri, Madri, Karbala, Al-Qumair, Shawri, Dooli, and Namoli. Targeted attacks have also been reported on Kauda, the Nuba capital. An elderly man recounted in June that after an SPLA-N attack and looting of his home in Kauda, they could no longer access water or food, and their sorghum was burnt. He expressed confusion, stating, "We were one movement, and we grew old together, but then they turned against us. We do not know why." Babiker claimed that the SPLM-N sought to evacuate the Atoro and introduce members of the Shawaya tribe, which he alleged would enable companies affiliated with the SPLM-N and Rapid Support Forces to operate in gold mining. He noted strict restrictions on gold mining in SPLM-N-controlled areas, with gold only removable through companies belonging to SPLM-N leaders or their allies, ensuring revenues primarily benefit these entities. Sources among miners in the Nuba Mountains estimate high production volumes, ranging between 500 and 750 kilograms of gold per month, though this figure remains unverified. Babiker further pointed out that some clashes between the SPLA and the Atoro civilian component occurred around mining sites, reinforcing concerns about the conflict's link to gold and natural resources.

However, not everyone in the region fully accepts this narrative. Munim Hassan, a political activist from the Nuba Mountains, believes that the dispute's basis is related to the demarcation of borders between tribal components and their areas of influence, rather than primarily gold. Munim also highlighted that the timing of the fighting, coinciding with the planting season, was particularly dangerous, disrupting agricultural activity and threatening food supplies. Ali Mahmoud Ali, ACLED's Sudan Analyst, affirmed that continued fighting disrupted the agricultural season in the Nuba Mountains, worsening an already critical food-security situation and increasing the risk of famine.

Economic analyst Ahmed bin Omar suggested that controlling gold-producing areas could offer an additional economic gain for controlling forces, but he does not consider gold a primary or direct target for military operations. Ahmed explained that the ability of any warring party to translate military control into regular gold production is limited by the very nature of warfare. In artisanal mining areas across various battlefields, continuous mining activity cannot be guaranteed due to vulnerabilities to drone attacks and other risks associated with military operations.

The clashes occurring around mining areas in Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains are not isolated incidents in Sudan. In Darfur, gold and mineral-rich areas have previously become battlegrounds. Jebel Amer serves as a prime example, where violent clashes erupted in 2013 and 2014 between the Beni Hussein and Rizeigat tribes over the area and its gold mines. Control of these mines was later transferred to forces affiliated with the Rapid Support Forces, illustrating the intertwining of military control with the gold economy. With the ongoing conflict, the copper mines of Sunqo in South Darfur have gained increasing importance, now falling within RSF-controlled areas and linked to cross-border mining and trade networks. Recent reports indicate that the region contains gold production sites, and control over it is also connected to movement, supply, and trade routes with South Sudan and the Central African Republic.