Fani-Kayode joins call for solidarity with Nigerians in South Africa amid unrest

The sentiment of profound betrayal, akin to the tragic narrative of William Shakespeare's "Julius Caesar" where Caesar utters "et tu Brute?" after Brutus's fatal stab, encapsulates the anguish felt by the Nigerian people today. This feeling arises from witnessing the torment and wickedness inflicted upon their compatriots in South Africa, a nation for which Nigeria historically sacrificed immensely. This contribution aims to critically examine the ongoing situation, presenting personal views and assessments.
Reports from the Nigerian Consulate in Johannesburg confirm at least two Nigerians, Amaramiro Emmanuel and Ekpeyong Andrew, have been killed due to xenophobic attacks. Emmanuel reportedly died from injuries sustained after being beaten by personnel of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on April 20, raising alarming concerns about the involvement of elements within the South African police and security forces. The widespread killings, beatings, persecution, humiliation, violence, and discrimination against Nigerians and other African nationals in South Africa are unequivocally condemned. Nigerian children are being denied schooling, patients rejected from hospitals, shoppers bundled out of stores, businesses ransacked and shut, workers sacked, homes raided and burnt, diners thrown out of restaurants, and individuals beaten, insulted, and humiliated in the streets, often despite having complete immigration papers.
Disturbingly, South Africans are documented marching through major cities in tribal wear, singing war songs, brandishing crude weapons, and hunting black African immigrants like animals. Video footage shows mobs of South African women assaulting African immigrant women, even during prayer, while hostile crowds of South African males have been seen chasing, stripping, beating, and sexually violating African immigrant women, including Nigerians, in public. The depth of this hatred for fellow Africans is tragically illustrated by the killing of the renowned South African reggae singer, Lucky Dube, years ago, by a mob who mistakenly believed he was Nigerian. These acts are described as evil, wicked, cruel, and a scene from "Dante’s seventh circle of hell," despite the United Nations having condemned them, emphasizing that more action is urgently needed.
A call is extended to the South African government to secure the lives and property of Nigerian citizens and to enhance the respect, fraternity, and support traditionally shared between the two nations. It is imperative that the two largest economies on the African continent collaborate to foster peace and stability in Africa and strengthen their collective voice globally. The author expresses confidence that the South African government, rooted in the noble traditions of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC), will address this egregious situation.
Historically, Nigeria's contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa was unparalleled. During the apartheid era, President Olusegun Obasanjo nationalized British Petroleum (BP) to penalize the British government for refusing to impose economic sanctions. Leaders of the ANC, including former President Thabo Mbeki, found refuge in Nigeria. Following his release and election, President Nelson Mandela visited Nigeria 36 years ago to express gratitude, with his wife Winnie Mandela famously declaring, “we owe much of our freedom to Nigeria. I want to take this opportunity to say ‘thank you Nigeria’.” President Cyril Ramaphosa recently reaffirmed that "African countries helped during the anti-apartheid struggle," a fact Nigeria deeply appreciates, having donated billions of dollars to the ANC and its armed wing, Umkhonto Wesizwe, and similarly supported liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia, Mozambique, Angola, Tanzania, Somalia, Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Chad, sacrificing treasure and blood.
General Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo championed the fight against colonialism and apartheid with immense courage, with many believing Muhammed’s assassination was linked to his support for anti-colonial movements. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, Nigerians, including the author, actively participated in student demonstrations against South Africa’s white minority rule in the United Kingdom. Personal encounters with racist white Afrikaaner boys in elite British schools, such as Harrow School and Eton College, underscored the deep-seated racism of the time, leading to physical confrontations in defense of dignity. The author recalls being arrested in 1979 during protests against the South African Barbarians Rugby team’s tour of the UK, demonstrating the fervent passion of students against apartheid, which ultimately led to the cancellation of the tour’s final leg.
For those unaware of the true horror of apartheid, it represented a system of "separate development" that was, in the author's estimation, worse than Zionism and Nazism, perversely justified by passages from the Holy Bible. Blacks were denied fundamental rights, confined to barren homelands and crime-ridden townships, forced to carry passes, learn Afrikaans, and relegated to menial jobs. Whites controlled all levers of power, land, and businesses, treating blacks as a slave force, often summarily executing protestors without trial. Despite this savage repression, black South Africans exhibited remarkable strength, resilience, and courage, building a strong ideological and intellectual resistance. Heroes such as Steve Biko, Joe Slovo, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Bishop Desmond Tutu, Reverend Alan Boesak, Nelson Mandela, Jacob Zuma, Thabo Mbeki, Cyril Ramaphosa, and Julius Malema became symbols of pride and dignity for black people worldwide.
The historical roots of this oppression are stark, dating back to Jan Van Riebeck’s arrival in 1652, who described black locals as "stinking black dogs." This racist disposition persisted until 1990. The contempt was famously articulated by Afrikaaner Prime Minister P.W. Botha in 1985, who asserted that "Black people cannot rule themselves." However, Nelson Mandela’s leadership post-release proved Botha wrong, as he not only forgave his oppressors but treated them with respect, leaving much of the land and economy in their hands. The cruelty and hatred of the Boers towards the black population were unbearable for Nigerians to witness, prompting Nigeria, a proud and independent nation, to vehemently oppose apartheid from its independence in 1960. Nigeria banned companies linked to apartheid, nationalized British Petroleum, funded liberation movements with billions, provided passports to freedom fighters, and pushed for South Africa’s expulsion from international bodies. Nigeria also threatened to cut oil supplies to apartheid-friendly countries and denied scholarships to students studying there, believing an attack on black South Africans was an attack on blacks everywhere.
After apartheid ended in 1990, South African companies flooded Nigeria, receiving billions in contracts and dominating key sectors. Nigeria lost over $90 billion in aid and a further $90 billion from not selling oil over 34 years. Despite this profound sacrifice and solidarity, the majority of South Africans today appear to have forgotten, treating Nigerians as criminals and parasites to be hunted and killed. This current reality inflicts immense pain and broken hearts upon Nigerians globally. The ongoing atrocities must cease, and the bridge of love, trust, and fraternity between the two nations must be rebuilt through a better understanding of collective history, love, tolerance, mutual respect, and collaboration. Xenophobia, as Ghanaian President John Mahama stated, is a "betrayal of the Pan African dream."
There is still hope, as President Cyril Ramaphosa recently affirmed that "people would not be allowed to take the law into their own hands and harm foreign nationals." However, he added a crucial caveat: "We say to those who are here legally, respect us as South Africans, respect our laws, conventions and our traditions, as you would want us to respect the laws and traditions of your own country." This is a reasonable expectation; illegal immigrants and criminals cannot demand sympathy. It is acknowledged that some Nigerians engage in criminal activities in South Africa, which reflects poorly on the community. Such individuals, involved in drug dealing, internet fraud ("yahoo yahoo"), mafia syndicates, prostitution, human trafficking, or fraudulent marriages, are deemed undeserving of the Nigerian name and should face the full wrath of the law. However, this does not justify the widespread stigmatization, persecution, brutalization, and humiliation of the majority of decent, hardworking, and law-abiding Nigerians.
Kio Amachree, a Nigerian public commentator, expressed a growing rage among many, highlighting Nigeria's $91 billion aid to South African freedom fighters and an additional $90 billion loss from oil sanctions. He lamented the return of insults, threats, killings, abuse, and discrimination, alongside the generalization that all Nigerians are criminals. Amachree vividly recalled personal racist encounters with white South Africans in England and expressed a lasting resentment for Afrikaners, citing their continued economic dominance (75% of land, 85% of economy controlled by whites). While the author personally does not share these "harsh and provocative words and bellicose sentiments," he acknowledges their increasing prevalence and the urgent need to rebuild trust and friendship.
On a lighter note, one "gravest" charge against Nigerians is their success in befriending, seducing, and marrying South African women. Instead of hatred or violence, the solution, if South African men wish to retain their women, is to work harder and do better. Inter-African marriage should be celebrated as a pure expression of Pan-Africanism and African integration, fostering unity rather than division, much like in Europe. The Nigerian community in South Africa is urged to remain safe, calm, courageous, vigilant, prayerful, and above all, law-abiding, with assurances of government support. The author, Femi Fani-Kayode, a former Minister and legal practitioner, concludes with a blessing for their safety.
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