Zambia's Explosive Bill 7: Bribes, Democracy, and a Nation Divided

Published 8 hours ago5 minute read
Pelumi Ilesanmi
Pelumi Ilesanmi
Zambia's Explosive Bill 7: Bribes, Democracy, and a Nation Divided

The passage of National Assembly Bill 7 has been lauded as a significant achievement for Zambia's democracy, drawing commendation from various political figures. Stardy Mwale, the Patriotic Front (PF) Copperbelt Provincial Chairman, congratulated the UPND government and Members of Parliament for successfully guiding the bill through Parliament. Similarly, Chief government spokesperson Cornelius Mweetwa hailed the bill's passage as a clear indication of Zambia's vibrant and functioning democracy, asserting that the intense debates and deliberations surrounding it reflect the strength and maturity of the nation's democratic processes, ultimately benefiting the Zambian people. Mweetwa emphasized that there were 'no winners or losers' in the process, as democracy itself prevailed, and acknowledged the invaluable insights provided by civil society organizations such as the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ), the Non-governmental Gender Organisations’ Coordinating Council (NGOCC), and the church. He urged these institutions to continue their crucial role in providing checks and balances, noting that constructive criticism and civic engagement are vital for strengthening democracy and ensuring government accountability. The Bill's process, he added, recognized the aspirations of women and youth for inclusion and representation, concluding with an appeal for sustained peace as the bill progresses to presidential assent, affirming the government's commitment to democratic values, the rule of law, and inclusive governance.

However, the journey to Bill 7's passage was not without its complexities and controversies, particularly regarding constitutional procedures. Earlier, the Constitutional Court had ruled the process surrounding Bill 7 as null and void. In response, the government demonstrated its commitment to meeting legal requirements for constitutional amendment by establishing the Mushabati Committee and conducting extensive public consultations. This proactive approach mirrors other significant legal and political maneuvers, such as the Constitutional Court's vacating of its earlier decision on former President ECL's eligibility to contest the 2026 elections, an 'open-and-shut case' that was reopened. These instances highlight the government's strategic resolve in navigating legal frameworks and achieving its legislative goals, suggesting that a similar determination could resolve other prolonged impasses, such as the burial arrangements for the late former President, by simply legislating a clear framework.

The successful passage of Bill 7 also exposed significant strategic miscalculations and internal fragilities within the opposition. Opposition voices had confidently predicted the bill's failure, asserting that courts would intervene, Catholic bishops had settled the matter, and MPs would not defy 'the people'. They further assumed President Hakainde Hichilema was isolated and weakened. Yet, every one of these assumptions crumbled in a single parliamentary sitting, revealing a profound misunderstanding of Hichilema as a political force. Hichilema, shaped by fifteen years of opposition defeats, arrests, propaganda, internal betrayal, and exclusion from state power, possesses an hardened instinct for patience, timing, and operating under hostility. He does not retreat when resistance peaks but shows up, an attribute the opposition consistently underrates.

The opposition's error stemmed from substituting social media noise for political reality, equating trending hashtags with public consent and elite outrage with mass resistance. They mistakenly believed that opposition from entities like the Oasis Forum, sections of the clergy, and legal voices would cause Parliament to fold. Instead, Parliament voted overwhelmingly in favor of the bill, leading to a telling silence from once-vocal critics. Catholic priests went quiet, Oasis Forum retreated to court processes that no longer shaped events, and LAZ became internally divided. The moral certainty that once defined opposition messaging evaporated, replaced by narratives of accusation and betrayal. This strategic failure lies in the opposition's continued belief that regime change occurs through pressure, declarations, and moral outrage, while Hichilema understands it requires numbers, structures, and precise timing. While the opposition engaged in public statements and legal challenges, Hichilema meticulously counted parliamentary votes and secured outcomes.

The passage of Bill 7 was particularly symptomatic of the deep-seated leadership crisis within the Patriotic Front. It did not pass due to the influence of any single opposition figure like Brian Mundubile; rather, it reflected the PF's fundamental lack of a consolidated leader with real authority to discipline its Members of Parliament. Mundubile, not being the Leader of the Opposition, lacked the power to issue a three-line whip. While Miles Sampa technically holds the title of Leader of the Opposition, he possesses no practical control over PF MPs, rendering his authority merely nominal. The operational power within PF parliamentary affairs has fragmented and shifted elsewhere. Consequently, when MPs voted for Bill 7, they were not adhering to a unified party directive but were instead responding to a confluence of pressures, inducements, fear, and individual survival instincts characteristic of a leaderless opposition. Blaming individual figures is a misplaced convenience; the true problem is an opposition unable to enforce discipline due to a dysfunctional command structure. Until the PF resolves this profound leadership vacuum, its MPs will continue to vote independently, facilitating the passage of legislation like Bill 7. The prevailing fragmentation, with multiple figures speaking with equal authority and alliances forming without solid ground structures, has resulted in a 'crowd' rather than a cohesive 'movement'. The absence of one clear leader, one unified message, one effective machine, and a credible economic alternative leaves the opposition competing against itself rather than the government. Hichilema's political success underscores his understanding that true power fears organization, not noise, and the current opposition demonstrably lacks such organization. As Parliament approaches dissolution, defections and quiet repositioning among MPs who correctly read the shifting power dynamics are anticipated. The tragedy for the opposition is not Bill 7 itself, but its persistent refusal to understand and adapt to the strategic acumen of President Hichilema, risking future political 'routs' if they continue to confuse noise for numbers.

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