In this exclusive interview with Weekend Trust, Senator Abu Ibrahim, a founding member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and former lawmaker from Katsina State, speaks on the challenges before the ruling party following the resignation of its national chairman, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. He addresses the zoning agitation from the North Central, speculations about his own candidacy for the chairmanship, and the path the APC must take to regain public trust ahead of the 2027 general election. Ibrahim, a close associate of the president, also shares his views on President Tinubu’s leadership, the role of party elders in resolving internal rifts, and the emergence of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as a growing opposition force.
The abrupt resignation of APC National Chairman, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, appears to have thrown the party into disarray. Given your influence, perhaps you know why he resigned?
I don’t.
Were you surprised when you heard about his resignation?
Yes, I was surprised. Why? Because I knew he wouldn’t ordinarily want to resign.
Many believe he was forced out.
Maybe. I was actually out of the country when it happened. I don’t know the real reason. By the time I returned to Nigeria, it had been a week since he resigned.
You’re known to be close to the president. Has he confided in you since your return?
No, no, no. I haven’t seen him. When I returned, he was travelling—Saint Lucia, then Brazil. Since then, I’ve not seen him.
On the internal politics of the party, many believe the agitation from the North Central zone played a key role in his resignation. You’re from the same zone as Ganduje. Do you think that agitation was strong enough to push him out?
Well, in Nigerian politics, we have to balance certain things. One of the major requirements for a stable government in Nigeria is that you must ensure regional balance. We’re still evolving as a unified nation.
That’s why you hear things like “bani in baka”—north versus south, the idea of rotation and zoning. It’s a necessary political strategy to maintain stability. Maybe 20 years from now, we won’t need it anymore, but for now, it’s crucial. Any leader who wants a stable government must meet these balancing requirements.
Amid the North Central agitation, your name suddenly emerged as a possible contender for the party chairmanship.
That surprised me too. First, I’ve not discussed it with the president. Nobody has reached out to me or sought my view. Personally, I believe I’ve done my part in politics. I would prefer to retire and allow younger leaders to emerge. That’s my principle.
But perhaps because this is an interim arrangement, people think I can help manage the situation. Still, I haven’t shown any interest in the role.
Some say the president may prefer someone from the North West, given its importance to his re-election bid in 2027—and you, with your experience and proximity to him, could be the stabilising force he needs. Would you be open to it?
If my involvement at this level would help stabilise the party, then I would do it.
Do you think the North Central should be allowed to produce the next substantive chairman?
The North Central is seeking the permanent chairmanship, not the interim position. What we need now is someone from anywhere who can stabilise the party, organise a transparent election, and help elect a new chairman.
Just before this interview, a statement came from the SGF’s office saying he is not interested in the chairmanship. That has fuelled more speculation.
I was in his office on Wednesday. But I’ll be honest with you—I have never presented myself for the party chairmanship.
We need a younger person who can handle the pressure of stabilising the party, who can act decisively and endure the long hours. I’m almost 80.
For the permanent chairmanship, since the SGF has ruled himself out, how should the party go about resolving this?
I believe the party elders should take responsibility. They should identify credible candidates and offer them the role as a responsibility. Even if someone says they’re not interested, the party leadership should still approach them if they believe the person is fit for the job.
We need someone who can unite factions, stabilise the party, and lead us into 2027. The opposition is strong now, and we must get our house in order.
We need a party leader with the experience and vision to unify and steer the APC forward—even critique the government when necessary to make corrections.
Some argue that removing the chairmanship from the North West before the election could be politically suicidal, considering the region’s voting strength.
But it was never zoned to the North West in the first place. The original plan was for the North Central to produce the chairman. Ganduje was never elected; he was only ratified by the NEC. It wasn’t a permanent arrangement, though the position can still be zoned to the North West—but it never officially was.
From the North Central, several names are being mentioned: Akume, Senator Sani Musa, Senator Mustapha Salihu, Dariye, Yahaya Bello, and others. Can any of them lead the party?
That’s a difficult question. I’ve already said the elders or party caucus should mandate a committee to assess all those interested. Let them screen and shortlist two or three capable candidates for the election.
As a party elder, what qualities should the next chairman possess? Youthful energy or experience?
Experience is key. Age matters, but not too much. What matters most is experience, intelligence, and leadership ability. Someone who has held significant positions and managed people well. Party affairs are largely about people management. Get the wrong person, and he’ll ruin everything.
You’ve acknowledged that the APC will face stiff opposition in 2027. Is there any chance that this coalition might woo you?
Me? Look, if you analyse my blood, 80 to 90 per cent is APC. I’m one of those who helped form the APC.
Yes, there are issues, and I’m one of those who can help address them. I can go to the president and say, “Sir, you need to change this or that.” We still have two years before the next election.
In fact, what the ADC is doing might actually help us—they are pointing out our weaknesses. I told someone recently; the ADC may even help APC win re-election.
So, you don’t see the ADC as a real threat?
No, they’re a force, but not enemies. I believe the ADC will help APC by identifying our mistakes. They’re speaking out, and we are taking notes. We’re already making corrections.
Some say it’s too late for APC to recover lost ground.
How do they know? There’s still time. In my experience—I’ve won five elections—the last three months before an election are critical. The tide can turn.
It’s all about communication—telling people what we’ve done. I believe the tough areas will start yielding positive results.
Do you still believe in Tinubu? Some Nigerians say he has changed, that he no longer listens, and that poverty is widespread.
Of course, I still believe in Tinubu. And yes, I agree with some of the observations. That’s what we have to address. There’s a lot of concern over poverty and the high cost of living. We must look into this and find ways to address it over the next two years.
As far as I’m concerned, ADC is not a threat—they’re a helpful opposition. APC should self-reflect, assess itself internally, and make necessary corrections.
Many young northerners feel Tinubu won in 2023 largely because of their votes. But they now feel abandoned due to the hardship from his economic policies. What do you say to the perception that the president has lost the North?
I disagree. Yes, there are challenges, but they are solvable. We need to sit down, assess the situation, make directional changes and corrections. I believe we can win them back.
In your home state of Katsina, Tinubu lost in 2023. Do you think he stands a better chance in 2027?
Absolutely. Why? Because the key political figures in the state are supporting him. Masari, Shema, and the current governor—they’re all APC now.
In 2023, the opposition was strong, but most of them have since moved to the APC. Today, Katsina is about 90 per cent APC.
But most of those leaders were already in APC in 2023—except Shema. So what has changed?
What has changed is the mindset. Now is not the time to despair. We must stay focused, identify our past mistakes, and humanise our policies. We still have two years to fix things.
Some of the difficult decisions, like subsidy removal, were necessary. There was no way we could continue with it.
But some say Buhari had better economic outcomes, and Nigerians now long for his era.
Even Buhari couldn’t have sustained those policies. The economy was in crisis. Do you know how much we were printing? It was making the naira worthless. Removing the subsidy was necessary—and it’s been done.
More revenue is being generated now, but ordinary people are still suffering.
I know, and I feel it. I go out and see the frustration. On a recent train ride, someone confronted me. I didn’t avoid him—I engaged him. He was a wealthy man, but clearly frustrated.
He gave me a ride home, and we discussed. By the end, he had calmed down. He told me, “You people just don’t explain things to us.” So yes, it’s about better communication of our policies.
Even though you may be planning to meet the president when he returns, should he read this interview before then, what advice would you offer him in light of the challenges posed by the ADC and the public outcry you’ve been hearing?
I don’t discuss the advice I give the president publicly. That’s between him and me. Sometimes we agree, sometimes we disagree. But once you start advising a leader through the media, you’re preempting his actions.
He listens—he always gives me a chance to speak. So why should I speak to him through the press? I’ll offer my advice when I see him. After that, maybe I can tell you.
You’ve come a long way with the president—since 1993. Have you ever thought about walking away? Perhaps feeling that you are no longer comfortable with his style of governance? Or do you still believe in the Tinubu project?
I still believe in the Tinubu project. I do. I believe Tinubu is human—he can make mistakes. And I believe he still needs honest advice. The problem may be that some people around him aren’t willing—or equipped—to give him the right counsel. Some are simply exploiting him.
He would be better off bringing closer those who genuinely care about him—people who were with him before he became president. People who can tell him, “Here’s where you’re going wrong.” But if he continues to surround himself with those only interested in benefiting from him, he will keep making the same mistakes.
Over the past few months, it seems some key Buhari loyalists and some prominent Tinubu allies have been at loggerheads. There appears to be growing hostility between the two camps. The recent statement by former SGF Boss Mustapha was also interpreted in that light. What do you think could have gone wrong, especially between the CPC bloc and the ACN bloc?
There is no CPC or ACN anymore—only APC. I remember a meeting we held with former Nasarawa governor, Tanko Al-Makura, and we agreed that the CPC was dead. Of course, there are former CPC members in the APC, just as there are former ACN members.
So, we resolved that we should address all our issues within the APC framework, because that is the party we all belong to now. The identities of CPC and ACN are no longer relevant. Masari, Dikko Radda, and other major APC stakeholders with CPC backgrounds were also part of that process. At our first conference at the Yar’adua Centre, we openly declared that CPC was no more.
But when problems arise, people often retreat to their original political blocs for cover. Don’t you think that’s what’s playing out now?
Probably. That’s a fair point. But the truth is, Tinubu listens to Buhari. I believe if Buhari calls him, he will offer advice—and I’m confident Tinubu will listen and make amends if necessary. That’s the role I see for Buhari in this government: as someone who can step in when things get difficult.
If the president becomes too rigid, Buhari should be the one to reach out and guide him. Buhari still has the ears of many in the APC. I am close to him. When the coalition discussions were ongoing, I visited him and said, “You’re too old for the strain of politics now. You’ve done your part—eight years. You should now assume the role of a father figure.”
If Tinubu makes a misstep, Buhari should feel empowered to say, “Mr President, this is wrong.” He has deep respect for Buhari—immense respect.
Do you believe that mutual respect still exists? Because some of Buhari’s associates seem to strongly oppose Tinubu’s approach. Yet we haven’t seen Buhari publicly intervening.
That’s a separate matter. But I know they still talk. I’m certain of that.
Would you say the current grievances we’re seeing are driven by personal ambitions among some of Buhari’s associates, or is this a coordinated position from the Buhari bloc?
No. I’m one of Buhari’s men. If it were a coordinated effort, I would be involved—but I’m not. Like I said, we met with Al-Makura, former Governor Masari, and others. All of us who came into APC from CPC met and agreed that the CPC can’t be revived. It’s dead. We are in APC now, and we support President Tinubu.
Of course, we also agreed that there are many issues that need to be addressed within the party. But I know for a fact that Tinubu and Buhari still communicate. I remember visiting Buhari in Kaduna—Seyi Tinubu had been there just a day before me, at Buhari’s house.
Sometimes, people invent conflicts where none exist. As I said, Boss Mustapha has no real basis to speak authoritatively about the APC’s formation—he wasn’t part of it.
He was appointed SGF only after Babachir Lawal was removed. They simply needed someone from the same region and religious background to replace him. That’s all.
But he was deputy national chairman of the ACN during the merger that birthed the APC. Doesn’t that give him insight into what transpired at the time?
I don’t want to dwell on personal matters. But I know who spoke to Buhari to secure him that appointment.
