The intricate crisis gripping Nigeria's South-East region, characterized by pervasive insecurity, is inextricably linked to the prolonged detention of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Advocacy groups and human rights activists insist that lasting peace and stability cannot be achieved through militarization and repression, but rather through a political solution founded on dialogue, justice, and inclusion. This sentiment lies at the heart of recent calls for action, including nationwide protests demanding Kanu's unconditional release.

The Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC), through its Executive Director Okechukwu Nwanguma, has explicitly stated that the South-East’s instability cannot be understood outside the political question surrounding Kanu's continued incarceration. Nwanguma argues that the debate over his release versus a political resolution to the agitation he represents is central to Nigeria’s broader challenges of governance, justice, and national cohesion. IPOB, RULAAC notes, did not emerge in a vacuum but evolved from earlier non-violent self-determination movements like MASSOB, gaining legitimacy from widespread feelings of exclusion and injustice in post-civil war Nigeria. Initial peaceful protests against marginalization and poor governance intensified around 2012 due to state repression, which led to a hardening of IPOB's rhetoric and tactics. A significant turning point was the formation of the Eastern Security Network (ESN), initially created for community protection against armed herders, which later resulted in clashes with security agencies and infiltration by criminal elements.

Critics, including RULAAC, point to the government’s response, characterized by collective punishment, militarized tactics, raids, mass arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings, as having fueled a narrative of persecution, thereby creating a self-sustaining cycle of violence and vengeance. Nnamdi Kanu’s extraordinary rendition from Kenya in 2021 and his subsequent detention, despite multiple court orders for his release, have become both a potent symbol and a significant catalyst for unrest in the region. His case, according to Nwanguma, transcends mere legality, posing a profound moral and political question about Nigeria's ability to build peace through means other than vengeance.

Furthermore, Kanu's prolonged detention has demonstrably failed to weaken agitation or restore order. Instead, it has fragmented IPOB, giving rise to violent splinter groups, some led by figures like Simon Ekpa, whose brutal enforcement of sit-at-home orders has inflicted immense suffering, crippled the economy, shut down schools, and harmed ordinary citizens in the South-East. Even the mainstream IPOB leadership has distanced itself from such violent methods. The region's deep-seated issues of youth unemployment, poverty, and the collapse of public institutions have created fertile ground for criminality, with many disillusioned young people joining gangs that masquerade as "freedom fighters." Security units like the Tiger Base in Owerri and the Anti-Kidnapping Squad in Enugu have been accused of torture, arbitrary detention, and extrajudicial killings, with young men often profiled as IPOB members or cybercriminals based on appearance, leading to unlawful detentions and disappearances.

Against this backdrop, human rights activist Omoyele Sowore has mobilized for a #FreeNnamdiKanuNow protest scheduled for Monday, October 20, 2025, demanding Kanu's unconditional release. Sowore, a pro-democracy campaigner, has cautioned the Nigeria Police Force against using force or intimidation against peaceful demonstrators. He alleged that the Inspector-General of Police instructed the FCT Commissioner of Police to adopt a "heavy-handed approach" to the planned march, urging officers to uphold their constitutional duty to protect citizens’ right to peaceful assembly and warning of repercussions for excessive force or unlawful arrests.

In solidarity, the Ohanaeze Youth Council (OYC) has called on Igbos worldwide to observe a total lockdown of businesses, markets, and parks on the same date. The OYC described the planned sit-at-home as a non-violent demonstration of "Igbo unity" against perceived injustice, marginalization, and harassment of Ndigbo in Nigeria. The group highlighted a stark double standard in the Nigerian justice system, contrasting Kanu’s treatment with that of Boko Haram and bandit leaders, despite Kanu merely advocating for a referendum. OYC appealed to Igbo business owners across Nigeria to participate, stressing that "the global community is watching" and that such actions would signify "silent protests of Ndigbo." They also urged South-East governors to show leadership and called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to treat the protest with respect and understanding, warning that his actions would influence Nigeria’s future unity or disintegration.

However, the planned protests face significant government restrictions. The Foundation for Environmental Rights, Advocacy & Development (FENRAD) condemned the Nigeria Police Force’s decision to restrict peaceful protests to certain locations within the Federal Capital Territory. Following a Federal High Court ruling (Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/2202/2025), police warned organizers to avoid key national sites like the National Assembly, Aso Rock Villa, Eagle Square, and Shehu Shagari Way. FENRAD views these sweeping restrictions as a dangerous erosion of constitutionally guaranteed rights to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, stressing that court orders should not be weaponized to suppress lawful civil expression and that security concerns must not override human rights. They argued that a blanket ban on protests near national sites amounts to the militarization of civic space in a democracy.

Sowore also challenged South-East political leaders, including governors like Chukwuma Soludo and Alex Otti, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, and former presidential candidate Peter Obi, to join the peaceful march. He expressed disappointment with Peter Obi's reported decision to distance himself from the campaign, attributing it to political calculation and concerns about "who is leading it" rather than principle. Sowore dismissed allegations that his activism was politically motivated, asserting his long-standing commitment to justice and democracy. He underscored that freeing Nnamdi Kanu would foster unity and reconciliation across Nigeria, arguing that the country has never truly ended the civil war against Biafrans and that Kanu’s detention is unjustifiable, especially when other categories of offenders receive pardons.

RULAAC’s specific recommendations for breaking the cycle of repression include releasing Kanu or resolving his case through dialogue and due process, demilitarizing the South-East by replacing soldiers with community policing and intelligence-led investigations, addressing root causes such as youth unemployment and political exclusion, ending collective punishment and arbitrary labeling of young people as terrorists, and investigating or sanctioning abuses by security forces while prosecuting criminal elements exploiting the agitation. They highlight historical examples such as the Niger Delta amnesty and South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation process, questioning why dialogue is "taboo" for the South-East when the government openly negotiates with armed bandits in the North. Ultimately, they conclude, peace in the South-East will stem from dialogue, inclusion, and justice, making Kanu’s case a crucial test of Nigeria’s capacity for reconciliation and statecraft.