Senator Abdulrahman Kawu Sumaila (Kano South) is among the lawmakers who recently left their parties for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). In this exclusive interview with Daily Trust, the former New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) senator speaks on his defection, disclosing his discussions with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that led to the award of a N96 billion irrigation project for his senatorial district. He, however, insists the contract was not tied to his defection and describes political parties in Nigeria as different only by the alphabets in their names. Excerpts:

Distinguished Senator, you have been in the news recently following your defection back to the APC. Can you walk us through the circumstances of your return, especially considering that many people once saw you as a rebel against the party?

Yes, quite right. There was a serious disagreement and misunderstanding between me and the APC, particularly at the local chapter level, during the last general elections. That led me to defect to the NNPP, under which I contested and won a seat in the Senate.

Since then, a lot has happened—politics is a game of interests. I don’t want to go into every detail, but fundamentally, it was about interests. That’s what led me back to the APC.

Interests, in what sense? Many Nigerians see you as a principled politician. People also associate NNPP with ideology—the red cap and all. Are your constituents not questioning your decision?

Let me ask you a question: What ideology is the NNPP actually promoting? What ideology is it implementing? You can’t claim ideology unless it is visibly applied in governance and practice.

When you examine the constitutions and manifestos of all our political parties, you’ll find they are not really ideological. The NNPP, for example, has existed since 2002. Yet our leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, only joined in 2022; 20 years after its formation. So what ideology are we talking about?

In my view, when you categorise political parties, especially the major ones in Nigeria, they are mass parties. They prioritise numbers over ideas. It’s all about winning elections.

If you read the manifestos of the APC and the NNPP, or look at their leadership structures, they are strikingly similar. In Nigeria’s presidential system, it’s about personality—who is in the party—not about manifestos, party names, or logos.

During the 2023 elections, many claimed that you and the senator from Kano Central rode on the popularity of Kwankwaso to win your seats. Recently, Kwankwaso criticised your defection.

I don’t want to join issues with him. He is our leader, and I will continue to respect him—not just because he is a former governor, but because we came together and did something that, in my view, benefited all of us.

Yes, we benefited from his popularity. I won’t deny that. But we are all politicians and Nigerians, and the facts are there.

Let’s take Kano South as a whole. From 2003 to 2023, who and who mattered in Kano South politics? Where was Kwankwaso’s ideology or his political group in our zone? It was predominantly the ANPP, which I belonged to—the ANPP of Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau.

In the 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections, ANPP was dominant. I’m not even talking about 2015, which was a wave election. In the 2019 general election, we were also dominant. There was no confusion or division in our constituency and others in Kano South.

Yes, we were together with Kwankwaso in the PDP at one point, but we went our separate ways in 2002 when I joined the ANPP and contested for the House of Representatives. From then until 2023, Kwankwaso and I were in different camps.

And during that entire period, there was never a time he defeated us in our part of Kano. I hope that’s clear.

My defection to NNPP in 2022 was all political calculation. That time, we had issues in our party (the APC), and he was looking for partners to strengthen his position. The only place left for him to explore was Kano South—where I come from.

So, we brought in our political structures from the Kano South Senatorial District, joined hands with him, and won the election.

Before that, Kwankwaso had more influence in Kano Central and parts of Kano North. But those areas, especially Kano North, also have heavyweights from the APC—like Senator Barau, Murtala Garo, Ganduje and others. So, they overtook him there.

Kano South was the only zone where he could make significant inroads. So, after 20 years of political hostility, we reconciled. We decided to work together, and it paid off. I won’t deny that I benefited from his popularity. But let’s be honest: we had 16 local governments voting on the same day—for the presidential, senatorial and House of Representatives elections.

Now go and look at the numbers. If he were the leading candidate in our zone, his votes should have been higher than mine. But in 15 out of the 16 local governments, I scored more votes than he did. Only in one local government did he surpass me. So what does that tell you?

Then look at the gubernatorial election and see what happened. We worked together. We benefited from each other. It was a partnership.

He brought his own strength, and we brought ours. And certainly, our collaboration added value to the outcome. So yes, it was mutually beneficial—everyone gained something.

Beyond the local disagreements, there seems to be a trend of mass defections at the national level—from opposition senators to House and State Assembly members. Were you influenced by this bandwagon effect in deciding to return to the APC?

I wouldn’t say that exactly. But I believe the opposition parties failed to effectively manage their elected members. That’s where the crisis started. As elected representatives, our focus is on what we can deliver to our people, especially from the federal centre. And in my experience, the operational model of governance is quite similar at both the state and federal levels.

In fact, in some states, the level of impunity surpasses what we see at the centre. If you examine how some governors run their states, it’s even worse.

Now, my senatorial district—Kano South—has been short-changed for over two decades. We’ve seen very little in terms of infrastructure, appointments, or meaningful federal presence.

My constituents came out en masse to support me, with the hope that I would change that narrative. During my engagements with the federal authorities, we managed to influence the consideration of key projects for our region, and that, to me, is the essence of politics: bringing value back home.

So yes, perhaps there was influence—but the influence was about getting results, not inducement.

To be specific, were you ‘induced’ to move to the APC because of your political influence and following at home?

In this kind of situation, nobody can induce you.

But there were allegations that money changed hands. Were you given any money to defect?

How can someone just give you money? Allegations like that are common in politics. Even Kwankwaso was accused in 2023 of working for Tinubu to split votes and undermine Atiku. There were claims he planted his people in the PDP leadership to break their ranks in Kano and help Asiwaju win.

So yes, whatever you do in politics, some people will say you’ve been induced. It’s natural.

But in this case, we’ve heard of a specific allegation—a major contract offered to politicians like you who have strong grassroots support. Did you hear about that?

Of course I did. Everyone in politics has heard about it.

Was this the N60 billion project people have been talking about?

No, it’s even more than that. It’s one project worth over N90 billion.

Was that project awarded to you personally?

No, not to me. We influenced it for our constituency. I’m not a journalist. I’m a representative of the people. I made promises during my campaign—one of them being to revitalise the agricultural and irrigation systems in Kano South. Our region has three major dams—Tiga and Chalawa, among them, which are among the largest in West Africa. These dams even support irrigation in parts of Kano Central, Yobe, Bauchi, and up to Maiduguri.

For instance, Chalawa in Karaye has been idle for 34 to 35 years after its completion. Reactivating it would impact at least 30,000 people.

So, as a responsible representative, should I reject that kind of opportunity just because of political party differences? Should I say no to a project that benefits my people simply because of alphabetical differences in party names?

So you’re saying the differences in political parties in Nigeria are just the acronyms of their names?

Exactly. What really matters is the interest of the people you represent. Take Tiga Dam, it’s the number one dam in Nigeria. Go and verify it.

Has this N96 billion project now been approved? Is it a single project?

Yes, it is a single project aimed at reactivating our irrigation system.

Was it included in the 2025 budget?

No, it wasn’t part of the budget.

Then how was it secured?

It came from the Ecological Fund.

And it has been approved?

Yes, it has.

But was it a condition that you must defect to the APC to get it?

No. Nobody gave me such a condition.

So what did you offer in return?

During our discussions, I told Mr President that if he truly wants Nigeria to be self-sufficient in agriculture, as his agenda states, then reactivating our irrigation systems is key.

I gave him a detailed breakdown of the Kano Irrigation Scheme—covering Chalawa, Tiga, and another major dam.

After that conversation, I’ve had no further engagement with him. He approved the project, and that was it.

However, other political issues emerged later, starting with the local government elections and governance challenges in my state, especially around party management. That’s when disagreements escalated and eventually led to my defection to the APC.

But to be clear: my defection has nothing to do with the project. President Tinubu never asked me to join the APC. It was my decision.

But what about the allegation that money was sent to the National Assembly to influence your defection to the APC?

I didn’t see any money. I don’t even have that information—this is the first time I’m hearing of such a thing. Like I told you, Mr President approved a project for us, and I’m not the only one involved. Some members of the House of Representatives from Kano South are also part of it. It was a coalition of Kano South members in the National Assembly.

It wasn’t even focused on my own local government. In order to broaden the benefits of the project, we initiated an intervention to ensure that every local government in Kano South would benefit. We agreed to support at least 500 farms in each local government with tube wells and small irrigation machines.

In total, at least 5,000 people will benefit directly. So, put yourself in my shoes—what would you do for your people if presented with this kind of opportunity? Go and see what’s happening on the ground.

Do you think the project would have matured if you hadn’t defected to the APC?

Certainly. It had nothing to do with my defection. The project was approved before I moved to the APC.

What’s the current status of the project?

It’s ongoing. All due processes are being followed.

Are you not worried that Nigeria is drifting towards a one-party state?

I don’t think so. Look at the 2007 general elections—about 28 state governors were in the PDP at the time. Nothing happened. The PDP controlled both the Senate and the House with nearly 75 to 80 per cent of the seats. We in the opposition were very few.

The challenge is for the opposition to start doing things differently. When people see credible alternatives, they will follow. But let me be honest with you: if both the ruling and opposition parties continue on their current path, people will continue to flock to the ruling party.

Don’t you think your defection could negatively affect your constituents? Did you get their consent before moving to the APC?

I won’t say whether I had their consent or not, but let me refer you to what happened on Sunday. People from across the 16 local governments gathered in my community to show solidarity and boldly support my decision, boldly supporting Asiwaju.

Politics is local. As representatives, we are judged by what we bring home. People will ask, “What have you achieved?” And I can say, “I achieved this, and this, and this.”

I’m actually pleased with some of Mr President’s decisions. That’s why I’m aligning with him, because I believe he’s taking decisions that can change Nigeria.

Like the fuel subsidy removal or devaluation of naira?

Not that one. Let me respond to that differently.

Or the insecurity bedevilling the North West? Are you not concerned?

Of course, I’m worried. But I’m hopeful that we will overcome it. The insecurity in the North West, North East, and North-Central is the result of many factors, including the failure of local government administration and rural neglect.

There was wisdom in the constitution that created more local governments in the North and gave the South South 13 per cent derivation. The same applies to special considerations for the South West with the ports. Each region was addressed based on its peculiarities—topography, resources, and population.

From what professionals have told us, the best way to address security challenges is to empower local governments. Have we had an effective local government system, Northern Nigeria wouldn’t be where it is today. Locals would manage their own affairs. Traditional rulers, community and religious leaders would work together to solve problems. If there’s a security threat, they would identify and tackle it early.

The North isn’t like the South, where local governments are tightly packed. Take Niger State—it’s larger in landmass than the entire South East. Will the chairman of Kontagora Local Government go all the way to the state capital to ask the commissioner for funds?

Most of our security officials in the North are stranded. They don’t even have vehicles. Local governments aren’t funding security anymore because governors have hijacked their allocations.

The Chief of Defence Staff confirmed to us last year that there is a direct link between weak local government systems and the rising insecurity in the North.

That’s why I sponsored a motion in the Senate, calling on the government and all relevant stakeholders to come together to strengthen local government systems to address poverty and insecurity.

The federal government has already agreed with the Senate and even obtained a Supreme Court judgment in favour of local government autonomy. Yet, state governors refuse to implement it.

If local governments are truly autonomous, it’s the people of northern Nigeria who will benefit most. It will improve agricultural productivity, increase GDP, and revive economic activity at the grassroots level. It will also enhance primary healthcare and education.

Right now, we’re sitting on a time bomb. We’ve neglected primary healthcare, security and education at the community level. The resulting frustration has pushed many young people into banditry.

So yes, you must give credit to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his stance on local government autonomy. If we get it right, we can begin to address the two biggest problems in the North: poverty and insecurity.

If the local government stabilises, then we’ll also see improvements in primary healthcare and education. But as it stands, many local governments don’t even have a single medical doctor. You’ll find a local government with 120 primary schools, and only 50 of them have a single teacher—just one.

The structures are dilapidated. Go and see what is happening in rural healthcare.

That’s why I’m supporting the president. He’s heading in the right direction. All he needs is for others to join him.

Politics is local. One of the key issues that led to your exit from the APC in 2023 was the marginalisation of Kano South in the gubernatorial rotation. Since Kabiru Gaya in 1992, Kano South hasn’t produced a governor. Is your return to APC based on a promise for Kano South to get the governorship in 2027?

No, no, no. That’s not the angle we’re looking at. What we’re focused on now is the tangible benefits we can deliver to our people to bridge the gap.

For example, there are five or seven states in Nigeria without a Federal Medical Centre. As part of our agreement with Mr President, we’ll have one in Rano. We’ll also get a Federal Polytechnic. That’s what we’re after.

Some say there was an agreement for us to defect—that’s not true. It was only later, after discussions, that we submitted our requests.

So, you defected first and then presented your demands?

No, it was before. We said, “Okay, we’re ready to defect, but can you attend to these specific needs?” And they said yes. It wasn’t a case of “take this and come over.” No, not at all.

At the party level, is it true that some of those who defected will be given automatic tickets?

Maybe. That’s the party’s decision. Many parties have what they call the “right of first refusal.” So, we’ll wait and see.