The relevance and effectiveness of Ghana's Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) have become subjects of intense national debate, prompting calls for a critical re-evaluation of the institution. Former President of the Ghana Journalists Association (GJA), Roland Affail Monney, has vocally advocated for the nation to take “a hard look” at the OSP, describing it as “common knowledge” that the office is often “rich in spectacle but poor in delivery.” This sentiment reflects a broader concern among many Ghanaians regarding the value for money provided by the OSP. Monney highlighted the views of prominent figures like former Speaker of Parliament, Professor Mike Oquaye, who believes the OSP's establishment represents a duplication of efforts, suggesting it might be time to “do away with this office” entirely. Monney stressed the necessity of a non-partisan, national approach, urging citizens to put on “nationalistic lenses” to scrutinize whether Ghana truly deserves the OSP in its current form.

In contrast to criticisms questioning its utility, the legal framework underpinning the OSP provides a robust mandate that many commentators, likened to “uncles” who “quote proverbs nobody asked for,” often overlook or misinterpret. According to Dr. Manaseh M. Mintah, whose scholarship spans African governance, the caution that the OSP must not exceed its anti-corruption mandate is indeed reasonable, as the office is not a parallel police service nor meant to arrest citizens for offences unrelated to corruption enforcement. However, arguments claiming the OSP cannot arrest for obstruction, or that such matters exclusively belong to the Ghana Police Service, are unsupported by Act 959. This Act not only addresses corruption but also creates its own offences, specifically Section 79, which criminalizes the willful obstruction of an authorized OSP officer. Furthermore, Section 80 explicitly grants the OSP the same powers, authority, and privileges as the police concerning investigation, arrest, search, and detention when the conduct falls under Act 959. This signifies full statutory power, not a borrowed or part-time authority. While acknowledging the importance of the OSP guarding its mandate to avoid becoming a “political toy,” Dr. Mintah underscores that personal dislike for the OSP or its Special Prosecutor cannot rewrite the statute. The office was established because corruption became sophisticated, and Parliament gave it “teeth,” which it is now expected to use. The legal truth, therefore, is distinct from popular sentiment or “theatre,” and the OSP must operate with restraint and professionalism without surrendering its lawful authority to satisfy public opinion.

Despite its clear legal backing, the OSP faces significant operational scrutiny, particularly highlighted by freelance investigative journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni’s experience with the prosecution of Adjenim Boateng Adjei, former CEO of the Public Procurement Authority (PPA). Awuni, whose 2019 documentary “Contracts for Sale” exposed Adjei's alleged corruption and conflict of interest, described the case handling as “becoming a foolish case” due to persistent delays and procedural flaws. He had already testified and been cross-examined for over a year and a half (December 2022 to April 2024) in the initial trial, only for the OSP to drop all 17 charges against Adjei and one against his brother-in-law, Francis Arhin. Subsequently, in May 2024, the OSP filed eight “fresh” charges against Adjei, compelling the case to restart from scratch, which Awuni viewed as detrimental and indicative of a prosecution potentially “working in favour of the accused person.”

Awuni’s concerns deepened upon discovering that the “fresh” charges were merely repetitions of old ones, with the strongest charge of “directly influencing a procurement process” (Count 18), backed by the CHRAJ Report, conspicuously absent from the new charge sheet. Neither the OSP's Director of Prosecution, the lawyer handling the case, nor Special Prosecutor Kissi Agyebeng could adequately explain this critical omission. Awuni also pointed out the OSP’s apparent failure to conduct its own thorough criminal investigation, relying instead on his journalistic findings and the CHRAJ report. This was exacerbated by an error where the OSP initially failed to submit his “Contracts for Sale” documentary to the court correctly, presenting a pen drive that lacked the full evidence. This, he noted, significantly undermined the prosecution's efforts, even though his testimony was robust and admitted by the court.

A particularly glaring flaw highlighted by Awuni was the OSP's failure to “follow the money.” Despite investigations by Martin Amidu (former Special Prosecutor) revealing substantial unexplained cash payments totaling $4.5 million, GH¢14.8 million, and €54000 into Adjei’s bank accounts—far exceeding his salary—the OSP did not pursue money laundering charges. This contrasted sharply with the OSP's approach in the Mustapha Hamid and NPA case, where similar discrepancies led to money laundering charges. The OSP’s Director of Prosecution cited ignorance of what Adjei used the money for, while the case lawyer admitted that attempts to trace Adjei's assets were abandoned because it wasn't the “focus of the case.” This oversight allowed Adjei to successfully have the freezing order on his accounts lifted after its expiration due to lack of charges, enabling him to withdraw all funds. Awuni's suggestions to trace additional properties acquired with untraced cash were not acted upon, further indicating a lack of comprehensive investigative commitment.

Internal contradictions within the OSP itself further exacerbated Manasseh Azure Awuni’s frustrations. On December 2, 2025, Samuel Appiah Darko, the OSP’s Director of Strategy, Research and Communications, made statements that appeared to indict the office’s handling of the Adjei case. Darko falsely claimed the trial was “only now beginning,” contradicting Awuni's extensive prior testimony. More critically, Darko stated that investigators had “initially relied on the journalist’s findings to proceed to court, but once the case was reviewed, it was found to be hollow and lacking strong evidentiary support.” This raised questions about why the OSP spent two years prosecuting a case it later deemed “hollow,” and why, if it relied solely on journalistic findings, it failed to properly submit the journalist's main audio-visual documentary as evidence. Such inconsistencies, according to Awuni, amount to “special excuses” rather than effective prosecution.

The cumulative effect of these issues has led Manasseh Azure Awuni to express deep impatience with an office he previously supported, lamenting that the 2019 case might never reach a conclusion where Adjei is asked to open his defense, potentially allowing Special Prosecutor Kissi Agyebeng to complete his tenure without resolution. Awuni emphasized that while President Akufo-Addo commendably referred the case to the OSP instead of the Attorney-General, the office's internal procedural and investigative failings are responsible for its predicaments, not judicial hostility—a point underscored by the professionalism of trial judge Her Ladyship Justice Mary Yanzuh. For Awuni and other potential witnesses, the “never-ending” nature of the case represents a waste of national resources and personal time, highlighting that “all that matters” is not merely that a case has not been discontinued, but that it makes tangible progress. This ongoing saga underscores the urgent need for the OSP to balance its robust legal mandate with impeccable investigative rigor, strategic prosecution, and transparent communication, ensuring it lives up to its crucial role in combating corruption in Ghana.